Death of a King
Cursed be the magician who predicted so evilly and
so well
June - July 1559
On the late afternoon of Friday 30th June 1559 a long
splinter of wood from a jousting lance pierced the eye
and brain of King Henry II of France. The poisonous
wound bloated his face, slowly robbing him of sight,
speech and reason and after ten days of suffering he
died at the Château des Tournelles in Paris. His death
was not only tragic, it would prove calamitous.
The jousting had been part of celebrations to mark the
signing in April of the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis,
which brought to an end France and Spain's ruinous series
of wars over Italy. Many dismayed Frenchmen believed
Italy had been given away through the mere stroke of
a pen, and no one felt this more keenly than Henry's
Florentine wife Catherine de Medici, whose hopes of
recovering her lost patrimony vanished with the peace.
Yet she took one consolation from the treaty: that her
eldest daughter Elisabeth would marry the most eligible
parti in Europe, King Philip II of Spain. A further
sweetener provided a husband for Henry's spinster sister
and Catherine's closest friend, Marguerite, who at the
age of thirty-six had been considered practically unmarriageable.
She was to wed Philip's ally, Emmanuel-Philibert the
Duke of Savoy, a hearty soldier with the unpromising
nickname of 'Iron-head'.
No time was lost in arranging the weddings. Determined
to show Philip that France remained undiminished despite
her Italian sacrifice, Henry - although choked with
war debts - had borrowed over one million écus 'to defray
the setting out of these triumphs'.
A vigorous and robust man, he excelled at the
joust and had arranged the five-day contest largely
to show off his own skill. Both Henry and Catherine
were, not surprisingly, disappointed when Philip - a
widower since the recent death of the English Queen,
Mary Tudor, the previous year - announced that he would
not be coming to Paris himself. Characteristically,
the
punctilious monarch offered tradition as his explanation,
saying: 'Custom demands that the kings of Spain should
not go to fetch their wives but that their wives should
be brought to them.'
Instead the groom sent a dismal proxy - the severe soldier-statesman
Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba.
With the rise of Protestantism in France gravely threatening
both the king's authority and the country's unity, Henry
had been compelled to make peace with Philip.
Early in June Henry had issued an edict announcing a
crusade to rid his realm of 'the Lutheran scum' and
whilst nothing much could be done until the departure
of his august guests, he ordered the arrest of several
prominent Protestants in Paris. Quickly tried and sentenced
to burn at the stake for heresy, their seizure caused
a considerable outcry, and a stay of execution was given
until after the celebrations. The condemned men awaited
their fate in the dungeons of Le Châtelet prison in
Paris, while nearby in the wide rue Saint -Antoine next
to the Château des Tournelles, they could hear the paving
stones being pulled up to make way for the jousting
lists, and the building of stands for the spectators
and triumphal arches emblazoned with the arms of Spain,
France and Savoy.
Heralds issued the king's challenge that His Majesty
the King of France, his eldest son Francis the Dauphin,
the Duke of Guise, and other princes at the French court
were to take on all-comers. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton,
the English Ambassador, reported that 'The King himself,
the Dauphin and the nobles
do daily assay themselves
at the tilt which is like to be very grand and sumptuous.'
The Parisians loved a spectacle, but their expectations
were confounded when Alba and his suite arrived on 15th
June. Spanish fashions had always been austere, but
their dark and mean-looking clothes left the French
wondering whether a deliberate affront had been intended.
A few days later all this was forgotten when Henry welcomed
his enemy of yesterday to the Louvre Palace. Emmanuel-Philibert
of Savoy came escorted by 150 men gorgeously dressed
in crimson doublets, matching shoes and black velvet
cloaks embroidered with gold lace.
On Thursday, 22nd June, the thirteen-year-old Elisabeth
of France married Philip of Spain, aged thirty-two,
by proxy at Notre-Dame Cathedral. After the wedding
a primitive ritual took place. Elisabeth and Alba climbed
into the huge State bed - each with one leg naked. As
their bare limbs touched and they rubbed their feet
together, the marriage was declared consummated. Six
days later, on Wednesday 28th June, the jousts began.
By Friday, the third day of the tournament, the weather
turned hot and heavy. The rue Saint-Antoine enjoyed
little shade and a large number of peasants had climbed
onto the roofs of the houses to watch the king enter
the lists. For weeks the ladies and gentlemen of the
court had been preparing 'their handsome and costly
apparel', some wearing the entire value of their estates
on their backs. In an
attempt to dazzle at the celebrations Catherine had
ordered three hundred lengths of gold and silver cloth
from Italy for her gowns; extravagant by nature she
delighted in wearing regal confections. One observer
noted that it was hard to say whether the sun or the
jewels shone more brightly. The King had never seemed
happier.
The same cannot be said for his wife. Seated with her
son the Dauphin and the lofty figure of her daughter-in-law
Mary, Queen of Scots, Catherine was noticeably anxious.
The night before she
had dreamt that her husband lay stricken on the ground,
his face covered in blood. The queen's unshakeable belief
in seers and astrologers gave her every reason to be
fearful. In 1552, Luc Gauric, the Italian astrologer
of the Medici family, had warned Henry that he must
take particular care around his fortieth year to 'avoid
all single combat in an enclosed space', lest he risked
a wound that could blind or even kill him. Henry was
now forty years and four months old. Furthermore in
1555 Nostradamus had published this prophecy in Centuries
quatrain no: I.XXXV:
'The young lion will overcome the old, in A field
of combat in a single fight. He will Pierce his eyes
in a golden cage, two Wounds in one, he then dies
a cruel death.'
Citing these evil omens, for the old lion could be
interpreted as the king and the cage of gold his visor,
Catherine had implored her husband not to fight that
day. He is even supposed to have remarked to the same
man who was accidentally to strike him down: 'I care
not if my death be in that manner .
I would even prefer
it, to die by the hand of whoever he might be, so long
as he was brave and valiant and that I kept my honour.'
Henry's mistress was conspicuously seated surrounded
by ladies of the court. The superb Diane de Poitiers,
Duchess of Valentinois, had held the heart of the king
since he was a teenager. Now almost sixty years old,
'Madame' as she was known by all - including the queen
- had lost none of her charms, in his eyes at least,
being still 'the lady that I serve'. Cold, remote and
elegant, Diane had been widowed in 1531. Since the death
of her husband she wore only black and white mourning,
knowing how well it became her, particularly beside
the dandified courtiers. Catherine, forty years old,
plump and dumpy after giving birth to ten children,
had long since mastered the 'art of opportune pretending'
and, with a few rare exceptions, she had spent the last
twenty-six years gracefully not noticing 'Madame's'
total enslavement of the husband she pathetically adored.
Henry began the day by jousting well. Wearing Diane's
colours of black and white, he saw off challenges from
the Dukes of Guise and Nemours. Pleased with the horse
given to him by Emmanuel-Philibert of Savoy, Henry graciously
shouted up to him: 'It is your horse that has helped
me tilt well today!' By now the king was tired, but
insisted on riding a further course. Catherine sent
word asking him not to continue. Irritated, Henry nevertheless
replied curteously: 'It is precisely for you that I
fight.' Once more he mounted his horse - prophetically
named Malheureux - and prepared to tilt against
the valiant young captain of his Scottish guard, Gabriel
Count de Montgomery.
As he did so, it is said that a boy in the crowd broke
the expectant silence with the cry: 'The king will die!'
A few moments later the two men clashed and Montgomery
almost knocked Henry from the saddle. It was five o'clock
and some spectators rose to leave. The king was good-humoured
but wanted his revenge. Although Montgomery had become
afraid and begged to be allowed to retire, Henry insisted
with the shout: 'It's an order!' Catherine once again
asked the king to stop. Ignoring her he demanded his
helmet from the Marshal de Vieilleville, who said: 'Sire,
I swear before God that for the last three nights I
have dreamt that today, this last day of June, will
be fatal for you.' Henry
could barely have heard these words because he did not
wait for the customary trumpet call that signalled the
opening of the course. The two riders thundered towards
each other. As they met with a crack of splintering
wood, Henry, his arms clinging to the horse's neck,
'had great ado (reling to and fro) to kepe himself on
horseback'. The queen shrieked and with a loud cry the
crowd rose to their feet.
The two most powerful men in France after the king himself
- the Duke de Montmorency and the Duke of Guise - rushed
forward to stop Henry from falling out of the saddle.
Lowering him to the ground they removed his armour.
They found the visor half-open and his face soaked in
blood with wooden splinters 'of a good bigness' protruding
from his eye and temple. The King was 'very weak
almost
benumbed
he moved neither hand nor fote, but laye
as one amazed'. Seeing
this, his young opponent begged his sovereign that his
head and his hands be cut off, but 'The good natured
king who for his kindness had no equal in his time answered
that he was not angry
and that he had nothing to pardon,
since he had obeyed his king and carried himself like
a brave knight.' The
crowd pressed round to catch a glimpse of Henry, who
was carried away to the Château des Tournelles. Once
there, the gates were locked and he insisted on mounting
the grand staircase on his feet, but having his head
and shoulders supported. It was a miserable procession.
The Dauphin, who predictably had fainted, was carried
up after the king, followed by Catherine and the most
senior nobles. Collapsing onto his bed, Henry immediately
tried to clasp his hands in prayer and strike his chest
in contrition for his sins. It was as if he was already
preparing for death.
'There was marvellous great lamentation and weeping
for him from both men and women'; wrote Throckmorton,
and it was feared that the king would not live for many
moments longer. The royal surgeons were summoned. Henry's
bravery was singular as the doctors tried to remove
the splinters. Retching with pain, only once was the
unfortunate patient heard to cry out. The usual appalling
remedies (by modern standards) were prescribed: he was
bled, purged, and given an ounce of barely gruel which
he promptly vomited, 'refrigeratives applied', the wound
was dressed with egg-white. After this he sank into
a state of feverish semi-consciousness and was attended
that night by his wife, the Duke of Savoy and the Duke
of Guise's brother, the Cardinal of Lorraine. The king
had a 'very evil rest' and at three o'clock in the morning
the vigil changed. Taken away to lie down, Catherine
seemed in a trance of shock.
Savoy had meanwhile summoned Philip II's own surgeon,
André Vesalius. The decapitated heads of several criminals
who had been executed the day before were brought to
the celebrated physician. He and Ambroise Paré (his
French counterpart) tried with jagged shards of wood
to reproduce the wound on the skulls of the corpses.
As they discussed the inconclusive results of their
grisly experiments, Henry continued his decline. In
brief periods of lucidity he asked for music and dictated
a letter to the French ambassador in Rome expressing
the hope that the fight so recently begun against the
heretics would continue if he recovered. The notable
absence of Diane de Poitiers reflected Henry's hopeless
condition. 'Madame
has not entered the bedchamber
since the day of the wound, for fear of being expelled
by the Queen', noted one chronicler.
Catherine had shared her entire married life
with Diane, but these last moments belonged to her alone.
In another part of the château, Diane anxiously waited
for news of her lover. Two nights before Henry died
an officer came from the queen, demanding the return
of the many jewels belonging to the Crown that Henry
had given to his greedy mistress. 'What! Is he dead?'
she is said to have asked. 'Not yet Madame,' he answered
'but he cannot last long.'
Diane replied that as long as there was breath in the
king's body she would not lose heart and would obey
'none but he'.
On the evening of 4th July the king's temperature rose
sharply. Septicaemia had set in. There was talk of trepanning
the wound to relieve the pressure and ease his pain,
but removal of the bandages revealed such large quantities
of pus that the idea was abandoned. Henry was doomed
and nothing further could be done but to await his death.
This was the event Catherine had dreaded ever since
she had married Henry as a fourteen-year-old girl. She
had been a passionately devoted, adoring wife. Always
fearful of losing him, she and her ladies had worn mourning
whenever he had gone off to war. During his martial
expeditions, when not constantly writing asking for
news of him, she had been at prayer making extravagant
offerings, clasping her many amulets and charms to ensure
his safe return. Though she had always feared the doom-laden
prophecies, she had not prepared herself for this.
Alternating between prayers and tears, Catherine hurried
from her dying husband to the Dauphin who lay in bed
rocking to and fro moaning and crying as if unhinged
as he knocked his head against the wall. She was finally
unable to watch as Henry lost his power of sight and
speech. During his last lucid moments, he had told his
son to write to Philip of Spain commending his family
and his kingdom to his protection. Taking his hands,
he said: 'My son, you are going to be without your father
but not without his blessing. I pray that you will be
more fortunate than I have been.' 'My God! How can I
live if my father dies?' cried the Dauphin, and promptly
fainted again.
Some say the king called for Catherine on 8th July and
after urging the queen to ensure that his sister Marguerite's
marriage went ahead, 'he commended to her his kingdom
and his children'. The following night the cheerless
wedding of Marguerite and the Duke of Savoy duly took
place in Elisabeth's room, the mass said hurriedly in
case news of the king's death arrived before it was
completed. Catherine was too tormented to attend. The
following morning at dawn Henry received extreme unction
and at one o'clock that afternoon he died.
Years later his daughter, Margot, recalled her
father's death as 'The vile blow which deprived our
House of happiness and our country of peace'.
During the king's last days the most powerful men in
the country gathered around their master's bed. They
were not, however, united. The Duke de Montmorency,
Grand Master and Constable of France, had been Henry's
mentor, friend and surrogate father. A military man
and a conservative, he was, aside from the Crown and
Church, the largest landowner in France, enjoying unquestioned
support from his fiefdoms. Although he was a Catholic
himself, some of his family had recently become Protestants
or Protestant-sympathisers. During the last year of
Henry's life, the Constable had joined with Diane, the
king's mistress, to keep their rivals, the Guise brothers
from power.
The two elder Guise brothers, from a cadet branch of
the House of Lorraine (a duchy on France's north-eastern
border) could also call upon the assistance of many
client vassals. The elder - Duke François - was a popular
war hero. A brave and distinguished soldier, he had
been a favourite of the late king. His brother Charles,
Cardinal of Lorraine, a masterly politician and a supreme
courtier, was also France's Chief Inquisitor. The pair,
both ultra-Catholics and with complimentary talents,
made a formidable team. Latterly they had fallen out
of favour for not supporting the return of France's
Italian possessions in the recent treaty. This in turn
had brought them more into sympathy with Catherine.
Now they expected a central role in the government of
the country, not least because they were the uncles
of Mary the fifteen-year-old Queen of Scots, wife of
Catherine's feeble eldest son, and since Henry's death,
the new Queen of France. To Catherine's intense irritation,
Mary had enormous influence over her husband, still
a teenager but now King, Francis II, and she in turn
relied upon her uncles for guidance in matters large
and small.
Since the accident Paris had turned from a crowded festive
city to a silent place where the overwhelming majority
of people were stunned and sorrowful at losing their
king. They also rightly feared the political uncertainties
that lay before the kingdom. 'The palace has passed
from marriage to a morgue', wrote one observer, and
in the streets the common people genuinely mourned their
sovereign's passing. The proclamation of King Francis
II gave them little reason to feel encouraged.
Montmorency and other senior noblemen of the non-Guisard
faction stayed with the corpse of the late king as the
surgeons removed his heart and entrails for separate
burial, and then embalmed his body. All over the Château
des Tournelles altars were set up and rooms and passages
were draped in black. Around the now embalmed body of
the king came relays of bishops and other churchmen.
The clerics, surrounded by tall candles, knelt and sang
psalms for the dead as Henry's room became transformed
into a richly-decorated chapel with an altar at each
end of his bed. On benches covered in silver cloth sat
subjects high and low who attended one of six requiem
masses held daily for the king's soul. Catherine herself
paid reverence to her late husband of nearly twenty-six
years. Kneeling before him she bade his body farewell
as those remaining at the château began the elaborate
forty-day vigil.
During this critical period Constable Montmorency and
his party were sidelined as the Guises took over the
major offices of state. While Montmorency - whom Francis
II loathed - had probably anticipated some loss of power,
he could scarcely have imagined the extent to which
he would find himself politically marginalised. Indeed
the bickering had already begun before the king was
dead; the Guises spoke of impeaching the Constable for
not ensuring the king's safety during the jousting,
while the old man wandered the corridors, inconsolable
at the prospect of losing his master, friend and comrade
in arms.
Leaving the body of the late king with Montmorency and
his allies, the Guises knew they must establish themselves
in power before the country had time to react to the
tragedy. A serious threat to their hegemony could be
anticipated from the First Prince of the Blood, Antoine
de Bourbon, and his brothers. The Bourbons, like the
Valois, both descended from the Capet dynasty that had
ruled France since the year 987. In 1328 Charles IV
le Bel died without a male heir and the main branch
of the Capetians died out, passing the crown to the
Valois, a junior branch of the dynasty. Should Henry
and Catherine's four surviving sons die without male
issue the Bourbon family were next in line to the throne.
Legally, as the only Princes of the Blood apart from
these four Valois princes, the Bourbons would dominate
any ruling council. Though Antoine de Bourbon was lazy,
selfish and weak-willed, the Guises did not want to
take unnecessary risks and decided that the new king
should be removed to the Louvre, away from their rivals.
Accordingly, Francis, and his wife, as well as Catherine's
younger children were gathered together to make the
short journey across Paris. The bleak figure, clad in
black, of the stricken dowager queen then unexpectedly
joined the party. She spurned not only the usual white
mourning of French queens but the tradition that demanded
she remain in seclusion for forty days where her husband
had died. Catherine knew that she must now break with
custom. Though devastated by her loss she was essential
to the Guises' coup d'etat.
During her husband's reign Catherine had skilfully kept
from openly siding with either the Guise or the Montmorency
factions. Maintaining a sweet disposition and good relations
with both, she frequently sought their advice and help,
disarming them with her appearance of humility. Though
they were unaware of it, she detested both parties in
almost equal measure. She would not forget their past
wrongs, their toadying to Diane de Poitiers and their
immense hold over her late husband. They in turn had
generally ignored the queen, badly underestimating her
intelligence and hidden pride. Meanwhile, although King
Francis II was technically old enough to rule, his obvious
weaknesses both physical and mental required a council
to administer the country. To protect her son, her small
children and herself, Catherine had to join the Guise
brothers' cabal.
The Guises did not lack enemies: some were jealous of
their wealth and power, some did not share their ultra-catholicism,
and some regarded them as foreign usurpers. The brothers
needed Catherine to legitimise their position; her presence
lent them her implicit sanction. Thus an unspoken compact
seems to have been made between the widow and the Guises.
The gates of the Château des Tournelles were opened
in order to allow the royal carriages to depart for
the Louvre and so that the large crowd outside could
witness the royal family leaving. Various observers
recalled the Duke of Guise carrying one of Catherine's
youngest children in his arms presenting a potent image
of fatherly protection for the onlookers. Mary was seen
to hang back for a moment to let her mother-in-law enter
the coach first but Catherine understood her new place
and seemed even to relish it, publicly insisting that
the new queen take precedence.
For the first time Catherine was to have a role that
belonged exclusively to her. She had had to share her
husband with Diane de Poitiers. She had to a large extent
shared being Queen of France with Diane; she had even
been forced to share the upbringing of her young children
with the favourite. Yet her widowhood would be hers
alone. For the rest of her days she was to guard it
with jealousy. Her life would be dedicated to the memory
of Henry and their children, for they were his legacy
to France. She would be the guardian of the monarchy
and his legend, learning to fashion history according
to her needs. After a lifetime obscured behind her mask
of supple self-effacement, the forty-year old queen
mother shrouded in widow's weeds was taking her first
cautious steps towards becoming mistress of France.
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